Apa tanggapan koalisi Anies-Muhaimin?
Ketua Fraksi PKB di DPR, Cucun Ahmad Syamsurijal, menyebut pertemuan Ketum NasDem Surya Paloh dengan Presiden Jokowi tak ada koordinasi dengan ketum partai koalisi dan Timnas Anies-Muhaimin (AMIN).
Meski dia menilai pertemuan Surya Paloh dengan Jokowi merupakan hak Nasdem sebagai partai. PKB, katanya, akan tetap pada sikapnya yakni mengawal pemilu hingga penghitungan resmi dari KPU tuntas.
Namun demikian, Ketua DPP PKB, Daniel Johan mengingatkan bahwa parpol-parpol anggota Koalisi Perubahan atau koalisi pengusung capres dan cawapres Anies Baswedan-Muhaimin Iskandar telah membuat kesepakatan tentang langkah yang bakal dilakukan di tengah tahapan pemilu.
Sumber gambar, ANTARA FOTO
Koalisi yang terdiri dari PKB, Nasdem, dan PKS membuat konsensus untuk sama-sama mengawal perolehan suara, baik yang terkait pemilihan presiden (Pilpres) maupun pemilihan anggota legislatif (Pileg) setiap partai.
"Kesepakatan itu yang seharusnya dipegang partai saat ini, termasuk Nasdem, ketika proses pemilu masih pada tahapan rekapitulasi suara," kata Daniel seperti dilansir Kompas.com.
Dia juga mengatakan belum ada undangan Jokowi kepada partainya.
Sama seperti PKB, juru bicara PKS Muhammad Kholid mengatakan pertemuan Surya Paloh dengan Presiden Jokowi merupakan hak Nasdem dan tidak memengaruhi apapun sikap PKS.
At the end of August, nationwide protests rocked Indonesia, with demonstrators in Jakarta trying to break down the gates of parliament. The spark was a plan by lawmakers to circumvent Constitutional Court rulings about Indonesia’s regional elections in November that would disadvantage the political alliance of current President Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, and Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, who will succeed him on Oct. 20.
Faced with the angry protests, the lawmakers backed down in a rare defeat for the partnership that now dominates Indonesian politics. With remarkable chutzpah, both Jokowi and Prabowo quickly distanced themselves from the bills proposed by their supporters in parliament.
At the end of August, nationwide protests rocked Indonesia, with demonstrators in Jakarta trying to break down the gates of parliament. The spark was a plan by lawmakers to circumvent Constitutional Court rulings about Indonesia’s regional elections in November that would disadvantage the political alliance of current President Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, and Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, who will succeed him on Oct. 20.
Faced with the angry protests, the lawmakers backed down in a rare defeat for the partnership that now dominates Indonesian politics. With remarkable chutzpah, both Jokowi and Prabowo quickly distanced themselves from the bills proposed by their supporters in parliament.
“Today we saw an extraordinary democratic process,” Hasan Nasbi, the head of communications for Jokowi, said on Aug. 22, the day that protesters attempted to storm parliament, adding that the scenario was just an example of “our greatness as a nation.” Prabowo took the opportunity to denounce unnamed politicians with an “endless thirst for power” who “seek to pursue interests other than those of the people.”
This year, facing a term limit, Jokowi tacitly backed Prabowo’s presidential bid in Indonesia’s February election. Some state institutions have seemed to help Prabowo, who has pledged to continue Jokowi’s legacy. Their powerful alliance has pushed Indonesia’s democratic system to its limits—but the protests show that opposition remains, even if under threat. The Constitutional Court rulings still stand in their way as regional elections approach, and Prabowo may face similar pushback when he takes office.
The surprise rulings by the Constitutional Court will reshape the regional elections in November. The first decision lowered the nomination threshold for candidates. Until now, regional candidates needed backing from political parties that collectively represent at least 20 percent of seats in regional legislatures or 25 percent of all voters. With eight major parties aligned behind Prabowo and Jokowi, there was clear coordination to back single candidates in key governors’ races, which would have let them run unopposed.
Candidates critical of the government faced a lockout. But the ruling should now enable candidates to run from Jokowi’s former party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)—which increasingly opposes the president since he backed Prabowo.
The Constitutional Court also struck down a May Supreme Court ruling that found that regional candidates needed to meet minimum age requirements only at the time of their inauguration, not when they register their candidacies—as was previous practice. Critics found the Supreme Court’s decision suspect, not least because the only candidate affected in the regional elections was Jokowi’s youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, who was preparing to run for deputy governor of Central Java.
Last year, another Constitutional Court ruling allowed Jokowi’s eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run as Prabowo’s vice president despite not meeting the age limit of 40. The case was presided over by then-Chief Justice Anwar Usman—who happens to be Jokowi’s brother-in-law; he was later forced to step down for ethics violations in presiding over the case.
Faced with this double blow, pro-government parties formed their plan to circumvent the rulings in parliament. On Aug. 21, key legislators met with Minister of Law and Human Rights Supratman Andi Agtas, a member of Prabowo’s party. They emerged with a proposal to revise the regional election law’s provisions on candidate eligibility and nominations.
But while public reaction to previous controversies—such as the ruling that allowed Gibran to run—was muted, there was swift popular outcry this time around. “At the time of the Constitutional Court’s Gibran decision, the people were perhaps not yet aware what was occurring behind the scenes and the meddling of President Joko Widodo,” said Agung Pradita, a student who helped lead the protests. “The people are now becoming aware that the state of democracy in Indonesia today is not good.”
On Aug. 22, protesters launched major demonstrations in more than a dozen Indonesian cities. As usual, students and workers’ groups took the lead among the crowds, but many experienced activists said that the protests attracted more people not usually inclined toward activism. They credited much of this to social media, where influencers and others with popular accounts promoted protests with an image designed to look like a disaster warning.
Many protesters focused on Jokowi, accusing him of plotting to build a political dynasty and drawing comparisons to the nepotism of the military dictator Suharto, who led Indonesia as president for 30 years. Other activists took up broader themes: “The reason I fought hard to safeguard the Constitutional Court decisions is because, in my opinion, if we lost that decision, we’ve lost our democracy and we’ve lost our rule of law,” Titi Anggraini, a constitutional lawyer, said.
Thomas Lembong, a former trade minister under Jokowi who is now a critic, was one of the few prominent political figures to publicly side with the protesters, giving a speech at a demonstration in Jakarta. “Democratic values … are deeply embedded in our society some 26 years after our transition to democracy, and what we’re witnessing is our people reacting strongly to efforts by certain political elites to dismantle the institutions of democracy,” Lembong told Foreign Policy.
The upcoming regional elections now look more competitive, with some caveats. Few races look set to have just a single candidate, although a number of races include only candidates supported by parties within Prabowo’s coalition. Still, limits on Prabowo’s ability to corral parties that nominally support him may serve as a check on his power. The PDI-P is the one party currently providing opposition to Prabowo and Jokowi, but its plans to back former governor of Jakarta and presidential candidate Anies Baswedan to run in either Jakarta or West Java foundered.
Lembong said he is hopeful that the Prabowo-led government might reverse course from Jokowi once it takes office next month. “With a fresh electoral mandate, and inheriting all the levers of power as the continuation of the ruling coalition, the incoming Prabowo administration has every opportunity to rehabilitate our democratic institutions,” he said.
However, if the executive has chipped away at limits on its power under Jokowi, there are reasons to believe that this trend could continue under Prabowo. The onetime son-in-law of Suharto, Prabowo was implicated in the kidnapping and disappearance of democracy activists in 1998; he has previously expressed dissatisfaction with how democracy functions in Indonesia and suggested that regional elections should be abolished.
“For a long time, there’s been the Indonesian struggle for democracy,” said Kevin O’Rourke, founder of the political risk consultancy Reformasi Information Services. “Now it seems more the Indonesian toggle for democracy: toggle off one day, toggle on the next.”
The Constitutional Court is already under pressure. Anwar, the former chief justice, is pursuing a court case to be reinstated to the role. Pro-government lawmakers have proposed bills that would weaken the court, in part by changing term limits for judges that would remove some of the judges who voted against the Gibran ruling last year.
The military, a mainstay of the political system under Suharto, may also stage a modest comeback when Prabowo takes office. Senior politicians expected to serve in Prabowo’s government have privately indicated that he is keen to see the military play a role. Political analysts have expressed alarm over proposed legal changes that would help the military expand its influence in politics. The revisions to laws governing the military would allow active-duty officers to serve in a wider range of bureaucratic posts, and the military has also started lobbying to regain its right to engage in business activities.
Meanwhile, the potential for active political opposition in Indonesia has narrowed. Prabowo has recently suggested that such opposition was a Western cultural import and that Indonesia should cultivate a consensual political culture. He has already secured the support of seven of the eight parties that will sit in the next parliament. Leaders who don’t fall in line face being forced out. Airlangga Hartarto, the head of Golkar, Indonesia’s second-largest party in parliament, suddenly resigned on Aug. 11 without a clear explanation. He was reluctant to accept plans for all parties backing Prabowo to throw their weight behind the same candidates in regional races.
The new head of Golkar, Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Bahlil Lahadalia, is seen as a close ally of Jokowi. In his speech accepting party leadership, he emphasized that Golkar would support the Prabowo government, adding cryptically: “We have to do better, because we’ll be doomed by this ‘Javanese king’ if we play around. I’m telling you, don’t try to play around with this thing. It’s terrifying.” Politicians and analysts interpreted the comment as a reference to Jokowi.
The only party that seems to be in the opposition now is the PDI-P, Jokowi’s former home; it pushed back against the proposed plans to disregard the Constitutional Court rulings and has at times raised the alarm about democratic erosion. However, Prabowo has signaled interest in working with the PDI-P, and while party leader Megawati Sukarnoputri may feel betrayed by Jokowi, she has worked with Prabowo in the past. (He was her running mate for the presidency in 2009.) Sukarnoputri’s daughter and heir apparent, parliamentary speaker Puan Maharani, has seemed particularly open to taking a cooperative approach.
How long Prabowo’s current cozy arrangement will work for him remains unclear. The political gossip in Jakarta today often revolves around when Jokowi and Prabowo’s relationship will break down. Until then, the room for opposition within the political system will likely remain limited—but if the opposition cannot find an outlet within established structures, it will continue to express itself outside the system as it did last month.
Presiden Joko Widodo (Jokowi) makan siang bersama Menteri Pertahanan yang juga capres nomor urut 2, Prabowo Subianto, di Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Jokowi dan Prabowo juga terlihat berbincang saat makan bakso.
"Ya ini kan tadi baru saja saya dengan Pak Prabowo meresmikan Graha Utama di Akademi Militer Magelang. Setelah itu, makan bakso, sudah," kata Jokowi kepada wartawan di Magelang, Jawa Tengah, Senin (29/1/2024).
Jokowi dan Prabowo sebelumnya memang menghadiri acara peresmian Gedung Graha Utama Akademi Militer (Akmil) Magelang. Jokowi mengatakan dirinya dan Prabowo memesan menu yang sama.
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"Menunya sama, (makannya sampai) habis," ucap Jokowi menunjuk mangkuk bakso yang sudah kosong.
Lalu, apa isi obrolan Jokowi dengan Prabowo sambil makan bakso?
"Ngobrolin bakso, ngobrolin kelapa muda, ngobrolin tahu goreng enak nggak, udah gitu," ucap Jokowi.
Prabowo juga memuji Jokowi. Menurutnya, Jokowi mahir mencari tempat makan yang enak.
"Pak Jokowi tahu di mana makan enak, di mana-mana udah tahu beliau," kata Prabowo.
Table of contents : ContentsAcknowledgements2019 Indonesian Elections TimelineAbout the Contributors1. The 2019 Indonesian Elections: A Political Déjà vu?PART I: Democracy, Cyber-politics and Disinformati on2. The 2019 Election as a Reflection of the Stagnation of Indonesian Democracy?3. Understanding Indonesia’s Democracy: Class, Cliques and Politics After the 2019 Elections4. Politics of New Tools in Post-truth Indonesia: Big Data, AI and Micro-targeting5. Disinformation, Post-election Violence and the Evolution of Anti-Chinese SentimentPART II: CONSTITUENCIES6. The Political Economy of Polarization: Militias, Street Authority and the 2019 Elections7. Unions and Elections: The Case of the Metal Workers Union in Elections in Bekasi, West Java8. The Power of Emak-Emak: Women and the Political Agenda of Islamic Conservatives in Indonesia’s 2019 Election9. Chinese Political Participation Since Independence: Between National Identity and Ethnic IdentityPART III: REGIONAL DYNAMICS10. “Awakening the Sleeping Bull”: Central Java in the 2019 Indonesian Elections11. Lessons from Madura: Nahdlatul Ulama, Conservatism and the Presidential Election12. Religious Binarism and “Geopolitical” Cleavage: North Sumatra in the 2019 Presidential Election13. Money or Identity? Election Insights from South Sumatra and Lampung ProvincesIndex
The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre, and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 2 22/7/22 4:03 PM First published in Singapore in 2022 by ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. © 2022 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. This publication is made possible with the support of Konrad-AdenauerStiftung. ISEAS Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Name(s): Supriatma, A. Made Tony, 1966-, editor. | Hui, Yew-Foong, editor. Title: T he Jokowi-Prabowo Elections 2.0: Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Indonesia in 2019 / edited by Made Supriatma and Hui Yew-Foong. Description: Singapore : ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2022. | Includes index. Identifiers: ISBN 978-981-5011-36-4 (soft cover) | ISBN 978-981-5011-37-1 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Elections—Indonesia. | Indonesia—Politics and government. Classification: LCC JQ778 J742 Cover illustration by Agus Goh Cover design by Lee Meng Hui Index compiled by DiacriTech Technologies Pte Ltd Typesetting by International Typesetters Pte Ltd Printed in Singapore by Mainland Press Pte Ltd 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 4 22/7/22 4:03 PM Contents Acknowledgementsvii 2019 Indonesian Elections Timeline viii About the Contributors xiv 1. The 2019 Indonesian Elections: A Political Déjà vu? Made Supriatma and Hui Yew-Foong 1 PART I: Democracy, Cyber-politics and Disinformation 2. The 2019 Election as a Reflection of the Stagnation of Indonesian Democracy? Firman Noor 21 3. Understanding Indonesia’s Democracy: Class, Cliques and Politics After the 2019 Elections Max Lane 46 4. Politics of New Tools in Post-truth Indonesia: Big Data, AI and Micro-targeting Okamoto Masaaki and Kameda Akihiro 67 5. Disinformation, Post-election Violence and the Evolution of Anti-Chinese Sentiment Quinton Temby 90 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 5 22/7/22 4:03 PM vi Contents PART II: CONSTITUENCIES 6. The Political Economy of Polarization: Militias, Street Authority and the 2019 Elections Ian Wilson 109 7. Unions and Elections: The Case of the Metal Workers Union in Elections in Bekasi, West Java Amalinda Savirani 127 8. The Power of Emak-Emak: Women and the Political Agenda of Islamic Conservatives in Indonesia’s 2019 Election Dyah Ayu Kartika 145 9. Chinese Political Participation Since Independence: Between National Identity and Ethnic Identity Leo Suryadinata 165 PART III: REGIONAL DYNAMICS 10. “Awakening the Sleeping Bull”: Central Java in the 2019 Indonesian Elections Budi Irawanto 199 11. Lessons from Madura: Nahdlatul Ulama, Conservatism and the Presidential Election Ahmad Najib Burhani 220 12. Religious Binarism and “Geopolitical” Cleavage: North Sumatra in the 2019 Presidential Election Deasy Simandjuntak 238 13. Money or Identity? Election Insights from South Sumatra and Lampung Provinces Made Supriatma 266 Index 283 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 6 22/7/22 4:03 PM Acknowledgements This book evolved out of a symposium held in the aftermath of the 2019 Indonesian elections. The Symposium on “The Future of Indonesian Politics: Analyzing the Outcomes and Implications of the 2019 Elections” was held on 11–12 July 2019 at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (ISEAS) in Singapore. It was a collaboration between the Indonesia Studies Programme, ISEAS and the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia). Both the symposium and this volume are co-funded by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. The cover illustration is done by Agus Goh, who has generously shared his artwork with us. vii 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 7 22/7/22 4:03 PM 2019 INDONESIAN ELECTIONS TIMELINE (prepared by Aninda Dewayanti) 11 October 2017 The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) registers its candidacy to run for the 2019 Elections at the General Elections Commission (KPU), Jakarta. 11 October is claimed to be a good day in Javanese horoscope. 13 October 2017 Different from other parties who came to KPU with rallies, Gerindra politicians visit KPU to give the necessary documents needed for the 2019 elections registration. 16 October 2017 The National Awakening Party (PKB) is the last party to register its participation in the elections at KPU. The members are bringing Garuda pledge as a symbol of promoting democracy and people’s sovereignty. 17 February 2018 KPU announces 16 national parties to run in the 2019 General Elections: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. National Awakening Party (PKB) Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Golkar Party National Democratic Party (Nasdem) Indonesian Transformation Movement Party (Partai Garuda) Berkarya Party viii 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 8 22/7/22 4:03 PM 2019 Indonesian Elections Timeline ix 8. Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) 9. Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo) 10. United Development Party (PPP) 11. Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) 12. National Mandate Party (PAN) 13. People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) 14. Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat) 15. Crescent Star Party (PBB) 16. Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI) 27 June 2018 Simultaneous local elections (Pilkada Serentak) are held in 171 regions in Indonesia, including in 17 provinces, 39 cities, and 115 regencies. 9 August 2018 The incumbent President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) announces that he has chosen Ma’ruf Amin, chairman of the Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI), as his running mate for the 2019 Presidential Election. 10 August 2018 In the morning, Jokowi officially registers himself and Ma’ruf Amin to KPU as the President and Vice-presidential candidate for the 2019 presidential election. Starting the rally from Gedoeng Joeang ’45, both candidates are accompanied by the leaders from the party coalition, including PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri and PKB chairman Muhaimin Iskandar. Later in the afternoon, Prabowo and Sandiaga also publicly register themselves to run against Jokowi-Ma’ruf. Together with the candidates, also in attendance were the Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan, Chairman of PAN Zulkifli Hasan, and some leaders of PKS. Additionally, Berkarya politician Titik Soeharto, and both of Yudhoyono’s sons from the Democrat Party, Agus Harimurti and Edhie Baskoro are attending this monumental event. 20 September 2018 KPU announces that both registered candidates, Jokowi–Ma’ruf and Prabowo–Sandi, are to officially run for the presidential election. 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 9 22/7/22 4:03 PM x Aninda Dewayanti 23 September 2018 The campaign period is officially started. 19 October 2018 Prabowo meets a community of young mothers in West Java called “Barisan Emak-Emak Milenial” (United Millennial Moms). 23 October 2018 Prabowo invites young bloggers, vloggers or YouTubers and media influencers to his house in Jakarta. As the mainstream media tends to favour the incumbent, this meeting is important for Prabowo as a member of the opposition to capitalize on social media as a new platform. 7 December 2018 A group of Chinese businessmen invites Prabowo to give a talk as the Guest of Honour at a gala dinner in Sun City Jakarta. The group is soliciting donations for Prabowo’s presidential campaign fund. 2 January 2019 Fake news has been circulated in social media about the arrival of seven containers of pre-marked ballots imported from China in Tanjung Priok Port, Jakarta. 17 January 2019 First presidential election TV debate on law, human rights, corruption, and terrorism. 17 February 2019 Second presidential election TV debate on energy and food, natural resources and the environment, and infrastructure. 17 March 2019 Third presidential election TV debate on education, healthcare, employment, social and cultural development. 30 March 2019 Fourth presidential election TV debate on ideology, governance, defence and security, and international relation. 00 Jokowi_Prelims_4P_13Jul22.indd 10 22/7/22 4:03 PM 2019 Indonesian Elections Timeline xi 7 April 2019 Prabowo–Sandi’s final election campaign in Gelora Bung Karno, Jakarta. 13 April 2019 During the day, Jokowi–Ma’ruf hosts their final election campaign, “Putih Bersatu”, at Gelora Bung Karno, Jakarta. Later in the evening, they are on TV for the final presidential election debate on economy and social welfare, finance and investment, and trade industry. 14–16 April 2019 Quiet period. No campaigning allowed. 17 April 2019 National election day. 192 million eligible voters in 800,000 polling stations to vote for their president
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Presiden ke-5 RI Megawati Soekarnoputri, Presiden ke-7 RI Joko Widodo, dan Presiden ke-8 RI Prabowo Subianto menggunakan hak pilihnya pada pemilihan kepala daerah atau Pilkada Serentak 2024 hari ini, Rabu, 27 November 2024.
Megawati yang juga Ketua Umum Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) menggunakan hak pilihnya di TPS 024 Jalan Kebagusan IV, Pasar Minggu, Jakarta Selatan.
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Megawati dan keluarga tiba di TPS yang berada persis di seberang rumahnya pada pukul 11.14 WIB. Sebelum berjalan menuju TPS, Megawati dan keluarga terlebih dahulu disambut dengan tarian di halaman rumahnya.
Putri Presiden RI pertama Sukarno itu mengenakan atasan berwarna putih disertai selendang merah dan celana biru dongker. Sementara putrinya, Puan Maharani, mengenakan atasan merah maroon dan bawahan berwarna hitam.
Megawati terdaftar di Daftar Pemilih Tetap (DPT) dengan nomor 201. Sedangkan Puan terdaftar dengan nomor DPT 376.
Sekretaris Jenderal PDIPHasto Kristiyanto mengatakan, Pramono dan Rano bakal mendampingi Megawati menggunakan hak pilihnya.
"Juga Mas Pramono Anung direncanakan untuk ke Kebagusan dan nanti akan mendampingi Ibu Megawati Soekarnoputri," kata Hasto di depan kediaman Megawati.
Benar saja, sekitar pukul 10.40 WIB, calon wakil gubernur Jakarta Rano Karno sampai di kediaman Megawati. Sekitar sepuluh menit kemudian, menyusul calon gubernur Jakarta Pramono Anung.
Hasto juga mengungkapkan Pramono-Rano akan makan soto bersama dengan Megawati.
"Akan makan soto, sarapan bareng dan kemudian mendampingi ibu," kata Hasto.
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Istilah 'kadrun' berkembang setelah munculnya istilah 'kampret'. Tendensinya sama saja, yakni digunakan untuk mengolok-olok kubu politik yang berseberangan.
Istilah kadrun digunakan oleh kubu pendukung Presiden Jokowi untuk menyebut kelompok yang berseberangan dengan mereka. Salah satu pendukung Jokowi yang aktif di media sosial, yakni Ade Armando, pernah menjelaskan soal istilah ini saat ada yang keberatan dengan istilah kadrun yang dilontarkan Ade.
"'Kadrun' itu kan bahasa yang kita pakai sekarang itu untuk menjelaskan orang-orang yang berpikiran sempit, terutama yang dipengaruhi oleh gerakan ekstremisme, fundamentalisme dari Timur Tengah, makanya istilahnya 'kadal gurun' kan," kata Ade saat dihubungi wartawan, 10 Juni 2020.
Analis media sosial Drone Emprit and Kernels Indonesia, Ismail Fahmi, sempat menelusuri asal mula penggunaan istilah 'kadrun' di media sosial. Dia menuangkan penjelasannya di akun Twitter-nya pada 13 Agustus 2020, dan mempersilakan detikcom untuk mengutip penjelasannya saat dihubungi pada Kamis (17/12/2020).
Temuan Ismail Fahmi, cuitan di Twitter mengandung kata 'kadal gurun' muncul pada 22 Februari dan 12 Maret 2019. Selanjutnya, pada 15 Mei 2019, pukul 09.25 WIB, istilah 'kadal gurun' mulai digunakan untuk menstigma pihak yang dicap radikal.
Baru pada 13 September 2019, istilah 'kadrun' menjadi tren. Penggunaannya terpantau mengalahkan tren volume penyebutan 'cebong' dan 'kampret'. Maka Ismail Fahmi menyimpulkan, tren istilah kadrun muncul tahun 2019.
Terpantau pada saat itu, lima besar influencers pengguna istilah 'kadrun' adalah akun @Dennysiregar7, akun @ChusnulChotimah, akun @Candraasmara85, akun @mochamadarip, dan akun @AnakKolong.
Gatot ingin istilah itu dihentikan
Gatot Nurmantyo menyebut istilah binatang itu dihentikan. Soalnya, itu melecehkan Tuhan Yang Maha Esa.
Pernyataan itu disampaikan Gatot dalam video yang dibagikan akun Instagram-nya @nurmantyo_gatot yang bercentang biru seperti dilihat detikcom, Kamis (17/12/2020). Gatot juga menyertakan caption 'jangan merendahkan bangsaku' di unggahannya itu.
"Dalam kesempatan ini juga saya mengimbau, secara tidak sadar ataupun sadar, sengaja ataupun tidak sengaja, kita anak bangsa ini sudah merendahkan bahkan melecehkan kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa dengan mempunyai sebutan masing-masing ada yang menyebutkan kadrun, ada yang menyebutkan kampret, itu kan nama binatang, padahal itu ciptaan Tuhan, manusia kita semua," kata Gatot dalam video.
Bertemu Jokowi, Surya Paloh disebut sedang penjajakan koalisi Prabowo-Gibran
Sumber gambar, Getty Images
Pertemuan Presiden Jokowi dengan Surya Paloh di Istana Negara pada Minggu (18/02) malam memicu banyak spekulasi. Mulai dari dugaan bahwa Surya Paloh dan Partai NasDem diajak masuk koalisi pemerintahan Prabowo-Gibran hingga "penjinakan" agar Surya Paloh menerima kekalahan dalam kontestasi Pilpres 2024.
Presiden Jokowi sendiri mengatakan bahwa dirinya adalah "jembatan" bagi urusan partai-partai dalam pertemuan tersebut.
Hingga saat ini belum ada pernyataan resmi dari Surya Paloh.
Namun, Ketua DPP Nasdem, Willy Aditya, berkata terlalu dini apabila jamuan makan malam tersebut diartikan bahwa partainya akan bersatu dengan kubu Jokowi lagi.
'Tidak akan semudah itu'
Meskipun potensi Nasdem kembali masuk dalam bagian pemerintahan Prabowo-GIbran terbuka lebar, tapi pengamat komunikasi politik Silvanus Alvin menilai hal itu tidak akan mudah.
Sikap Nasdem, ucapnya, baru akan kelihatan setelah real count dari KPU selesai. Selain itu koalisi pengusung Anies-Muhaimin memiliki dukungan yang cukup kuat dari masyarakat untuk terus membawa gagasan perubahan.
"Bagaimanapun Nasdem yang pertama membawa narasi perubahan, kalau tiba-tiba berada dalam pemerintahan dan menerima ajakan [koalisi] dan Nasdem mau, saya rasa akan kurang positif impaknya bagi pengusung Nasdem yang di masa kampanye menyuarakan isu perubahan."
"Seakan-akan setelah jagoannya kalah ditinggalkan."
Sumber gambar, ANTARA FOTO
Belum lagi keberadaan rekan di kubunya yakni Partai Keadilan Sejahtera yang konsisten dengan sikap politiknya menyatakan diri sebagai oposisi. Ditambah sikap PDI Perjuangan yang sudah menyebut siap menjadi oposisi.
Pakar politik dari Universitas Muhammadiyah Kupang, Ahmad Atang, sependapat. Dia meyakini Surya Paloh tidak akan segampang itu meninggalkan koalisi sebelum ada keputusan final dari KPU.
Paling tidak, sambung Ahmad Atang, jawaban diplomatis yang dilontarkan Surya Paloh dalam jamuan makan malam itu adalah "masih menunggu perhitungan resmi."
Mengapa Jokowi mau merangkul semua partai masuk dalam pemerintahan Prabowo-Gibran?
Pengamat politik Nicky Fahrizal mengatakan dalam sejarah politik Indonesia tradisi oposisi yang efektif terakhir terjadi di era demokrasi liberal pada tahun 1950-an, atau yang dikenal sebagai demokrasi parlementer.
Tetapi ketika kembali ke sistem presidensial, keberadaan oposisi semakin mengecil. Catatan adanya oposisi hanya kala PDIP tidak menjadi partai pemenang pemilu.
"Masuk era reformasi di awal, makin naik turun," sebut Nicky.
"Jadi desain sistem ketatanegaraan kita membentuk model pemerintahan yang oposisinya tidak efektif."
Sumber gambar, ANTARA FOTO
Akibat dari tidak kuatnya peran oposisi, pandangan kritis terhadap kebijakan pemerintah akan melemah.
Dan ketika terjadi kekeliruan di dalam pengambilan kebijakan, tidak akan ada yang mendorong perbaikan. Apalagi kalau suara kritis dari masyarakat sipil dibungkam.
Baginya saat Jokowi menyebut dirinya sebagai "jembatan" partai-partai, itu artinya dia tetaplah sebagai "king maker" sebelum dan sesudah pemilu.
"Ini semua memang seperti yang dia katakan setahun lalu mengatakan akan cawe-cawe, dan itu berhasil."
Sementara itu, Silvanus Alvin menilai keinginan Prabowo maupun Jokowi yang ingin merangkul sebanyak-banyaknya partai supaya komunikasi dengan legislatif sebutnya lebih kondusif.
Apalagi untuk mewujudkan program-program kampanye yang selama ini disuarakan yakni makan siang gratis.
"Itu kan harus melewati proses di DPR untuk menggolkan anggarannya."
Akan tetapi, dia menyayangkan langkah Presiden Jokowi -yang disebutnya melangkahi Prabowo- jika betul bahwa pertemuannya dengan Surya Paloh untuk menjajaki koalisi bersama di pemerintahan Prabowo-Gibran.
Menurut Alvin, Presiden Jokowi sebaiknya fokus saja pada sisa pemerintahannya untuk menuntaskan sejumlah kebijakannya dan yang utama menjaga kondusifitas bangsa.
"Saatnya Presiden Jokowi menjadi sosok negarawan yang memikirkan bangsa, di sisa [jabatan] ini selesaikan tugas dan menuntaskan kepemimpinannya dengan mulus."
Jokowi nyoblos di Solo
Adapun Jokowi bersama istrinya, Iriana, menggunakan hak pilihnya di TPS 12 Kelurahan Sumber, Banjarsari, Solo, Jawa Tengah. TPS 12 berlokasi SD Negeri (SDN) 3 Sumber Solo.
Pantauan Tempo, Jokowi mengajak serta cucunya, Jan Ethes Srinarendra, ke TPS. Jokowi mendapatkan nomor urut DPT 217, sedangkan Iriana nomor urut 199.
Usia mencoblos, Jokowi menilai pelaksanaan Pilkada Serentak 2024 secara umum berjalan lancar. Saat ini, katanya, tinggal menunggu hasil penghitungan suara.
"Ya hari ini kita semuanya seluruh rakyat Indonesia menggunakan hak pilihnya untuk memilih gubernur-wakil gubernur, memilih bupati-wakil bupati, memilih wali kota-wali kota dan secara umum saya lihat semuanya berjalan dengan lancar ya," ujar Jokowi.
Ia pun mengingatkan kepada para kandidat kepala daerah berkaitan dengan hasil Pilkada Serentak 2024 yang dilaksanakan hari ini. Kepada yang menang, Jokowi mengingatkan agar tidak jumawa. Sementara bagi yang kalah harus bisa menerima.
"Setelah perhitungan siapa pun yang menang jangan jumawa, yang kalah pun harus bisa menerima karena memang kedaulatan ada di tangan rakyat," kata dia.
Ketua Kelompok Penyelenggara Pemungutan Suara (KPPS) TPS 12 Sumber, Wisnu Tri Wiyanto, menyebutkan, jumlah DPT TPS 12 Sumber ada 515 orang. Mereka berasal dari empat RT yakni RT 01, 02, dan gabungan RW 08.
"DPT-nya di TPS 12 ada 515," kata Wisnu saat ditemui di TPS 12, kemarin, Selasa, 26 November 2024.
Sementara Prabowo memberikan hak pilihnya di TPS 08 Bojong Koneng, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat. Prabowo menggunakan kemeja warna krem dan celana coklat tua.
Pantauan Tempo, Prabowo tiba di TPS 08 sekitar pukul 8.46 WIB dengan menggunakan mobil dinas Presiden Maung buatan PT Pindad dengan plat nomor RI 1.
Saat turun dari mobil, Presiden langsung disambut oleh Pangdam III Siliwangi Mayjen TNI Dadang Arif Abdurahman, Kapolda Jawa Barat Irjen Akhmad Wiyagus, Pj. Bupati Bogor Bachril Bakri, Kapolres Bogor AKBP Rio Wahyu Anggoro, Ketua DPRD Bogor Sastra Winara, dan Sekretaris Daerah Kabupaten Bogor Ajat Rochmat Jatnika.
Setelah menyapa para pejabat yang hadir, Prabowo langsung menuju TPS 08 dan masuk ke bilik suara untuk memberikan hak pilihnya.
Usai mencoblos, Ketua Umum Partai Gerindra itu meminta calon kepala daerah yang memenangkan kontestasi dalam Pilkada serentak 2024 harus bisa merangkul mereka yang kalah dan bekerjasama serta memberikan pelayanan terbaik untuk rakyat.
"Siapapun yang dipilih rakyat, itu yang terbaik. Dalam kontestasi, kalah menang sudah biasa. Yang kalah harus legowo dan yang menang harus merangkul. Terpenting yang menang harus menjadi pemimpin bagi semuanya dalam melayani rakyat," katanya.
ANNISA FEBIOLA | MAHFUZULLOH AL MURTADHO | SEPTIA RYANTHIE
Apa yang dibicarakan Jokowi dan Surya Paloh?
Pengamat komunikasi politik dari Universitas Multimedia Nusantara, Silvanus Alvin, mengatakan pertemuan antara Presiden Jokowi dengan Ketua Umum Nasdem Surya Paloh menjadi "magnet besar" bagi publik.
Sebab dalam Pilpres 2024, keduanya berada di kubu yang berseberangan. Surya Paloh menjadi pengusung pasangan Anies-Muhaimin yang menyuarakan ide perubahan. Adapun Presiden Jokowi mendukung putranya Gibran Rakabuming Raka yang bersanding dengan Prabowo Subianto.
Menurut Alvin, pertemuan yang dibarengi makan malam tersebut membicarakan sejumlah isu.
Mulai dari keinginan untuk mengembalikan "rasa konsolidasi" yang dulu pernah ada - mengingat pada Pemilu 2014 dan 2019 partai Nasdem menjadi penyokong Jokowi -hingga upaya mengajak Nasdem "kembali menjadi bagian pemerintahan".
"Karena Nasdem ini dari Pemilu 2014, 2019 di dalam pemerintahan, dia punya rekam jejak bersama Presiden Jokowi ketika menjadi capres untuk pertama kalinya," ujar Silvanus Alvin kepada BBC News Indonesia.
Sumber gambar, ANTARA FOTO
Pengamat politik dari Centre for strategic and international Studies (CSIS), Nicky Fahrizal, juga sependapat.
Ia menduga, pembicaraan keduanya sudah mengarah pada penjajakan koalisi dengan kubu Prabowo-Gibran. Apalagi Presiden Jokowi menyebut dirinya sebagai jembatan untuk urusan partai-partai.
Pasalnya gaya pemerintahan Prabowo tak akan jauh berbeda dengan Jokowi yang "sebisa mungkin merangkul semua partai agar tidak tercipta oposisi yang efektif".
"Dan bisa juga strategi bersama. Prabowo akan melakukan kunjungan ke Pak Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono yang punya hubungan pasang surut dengan Jokowi."
Berbeda dengan Nicky, pakar politik dari Universitas Muhammadiyah Kupang, Ahmad Atang, berkata penjajakan untuk berkoalisi kembali terlalu dini disampaikan Jokowi kepada Surya Paloh.
Karena bagaimanapun penghitungan suara oleh KPU masih berjalan meskipun berdasarkan hitung cepat sejumlah lembaga survei menempatkan Prabowo-Gibran unggul telak.
Ia menduga arah pembicaraan itu bagian dari "upaya menjinakkan" kubu Surya Paloh yang selama ini kencang menyuarakan adanya dugaan kecurangan.
"Penjinakan kepada Surya Paloh bahwa sekarang kami sudah menang, tidak perlu lagi keras-keras dan terima kekalahan," ujar Ahmad Atang.
"Atau pertemuan itu sebagai bagian dari upaya melakukan cooling down dinamika politik yang sedang tinggi terutama di kubu Anies-Muhaimin yang sangat menentang hasil quick count."
Hingga saat ini belum ada pernyataan resmi dari Surya Paloh.
Namun Ketua DPP Nasdem, Willy Aditya, menuturkan pertemuan itu hanya membahas dinamika politik yang berkembang saat ini.
Ia juga berkata terlalu dini apabila pertemuan tersebut diartikan bahwa Nasdem akan bersatu dengan kubu Jokowi lagi.
"Ah terlalu dini, Pak Surya orang yang tegas dengan sikap-sikap beliau. Jadi kita saling menghormati," ucapnya di Nasdem Tower.
Sumber gambar, Getty Images
Sebelumnya Presiden Jokowi mengatakan pertemuannya dengan Ketua Umum Nasdem Surya Paloh di Istana Merdeka, pada Minggu (18/02) malam, untuk menjadi "jembatan" atau sebutnya menjembatani sesuatu.
Hal itu disampaikannya usai meresmikan RS Pusat Pertahanan Negara Panglima Besar Soedirman dan 20 RS TNI di Jakarta Selatan.
Presiden melanjutkan adapun soal urusan politik, ia serahkan kepada partai-partai. Dia berkata hanya ingin menjadi penghubung komunikasi terhadap semua hal.
"Saya itu sebetulnya hanya jadi jembatan. Yang penting nanti partai-partai [yang mengurus]. Saya ingin menjadi jembatan untuk semuanya."
Ia kemudian berkata, pertemuan tersebut akan sangat bermanfaat bagi perpolitikan di Indonesia.
Dia pun tak mau ambil pusing terkait pihak mana yang meminta pertemuan itu terlebih dahulu - apakah dari pihak Istana maupun Nasdem.
"Saya kira dua-duanya enggak perlu lah siapa yang undang. Yang paling penting memang ada pertemuan itu dan itu akan sangat bermanfaat bagi perpolitikan negara kita."
